Best Practices for a "Database of Deals"

Last month,Joseph Percocoformer aide to New York Governor Andrew Cuomo,是被判有罪of conspiracy to commit fraud and soliciting bribes for nearly $300,000 in connection to several multimillion-dollar economic development contracts in upstate New York.Next month,Alain Kaloyeros,前纽约州立大学理工学院院长,将同样参加审判on federal bid rigging,fraud,and bribery charges related to the upstate economic development project the "Buffalo Billion." AsI previously wrote,这是今年纽约六起备受瞩目的腐败案件中的两起,这些案件已经引起了对道德改革的呼吁(见here,here,和here).尽管在前纽约州议员谢尔顿·西尔弗和迪安·斯考尔斯被高调定罪后,也有类似的改革呼声被忽视,一个适度的提议似乎特别有希望:建立一个公共的企业和组织数据库,这些企业和组织被授予国家经济发展合同和补助金。

纽约的州和地方政府spend每年超过80亿美元用于经济发展计划,the most of any state in the country.However,little clarity exists 188bet appabout which companies receive subsidies,这些补贴的价值或金额,the employment and investment commitments tied to these subsidies,and whether these commitments are being met.This opacity not only makes it difficult to assess the successes and failures of development programs,但同时也为使他陷入困境的腐败类型创造了机会。柏科先生卡洛耶罗斯Creating a database of all public economic development benefits (including grants,贷款,或减税)会增加透明度和问责制。Such a "Database of Deals" would provide a central source for authorities to monitor and flag irregularities,increasing public confidence in the procurement process,and deterring corruption by individuals who know that the public can assess the return on investment for each economic development project.

最近通过的2019年纽约州预算包括数十亿美元用于经济发展的新拨款,yet bi-partisan立法创建“交易数据库”was droppedfrom the budget the day before it passed.However,纽约州立法机关还有几个月的时间来通过类似的立法。Moreover,其他六个州包括佛罗里达州,马里兰,Indiana,伊利诺斯,和Wisconsin-在要求更高的透明度和责任感后,创建并实施了类似的可搜索数据库。如果在纽约,以及其他州,创建类似的数据库,他们应该遵循一些“最佳实践”,to maximize the effectiveness of these databases in deterring corruption.

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让合适的人加入全球马格尼茨基制裁名单:如何为民间社会提供指导

去年十二月,根据2016年全球马格尼茨基法案,特朗普总统发布Executive Order 13818,声明“人权滥用和腐败的普遍性和严重性有其根源,全部或实质部分,outside the United States … threaten the stability of international political and economic systems," and authorized the Treasury Secretary to impose sanctions against (among other possible targets) a current or former government official "who is responsible for or complicit in,or has directly or indirectly engaged in: (1) corruption,including the misappropriation of state assets,为了个人利益而征用私人资产,corruption related to government contracts or the extraction of natural resources,或受贿;or (2) the transfer or the facilitation of the transfer of the proceeds of corruption." Pursuant to this Executive Order,财政部对37个实体和15个人实施了强有力的经济制裁,including Chechen warlordRamzan Kadyrov,Israeli billionaireDan Gertler,阿卡姆恰卡,the son of Russia's Prosecutor General.

This was big news,for a couple of reasons.最明显的是,Trump doesn't exactly have a reputation as a "human rights guy," let alone a Russia hawk.Given that the 2016 Global Magnitsky Act (unlike its predecessor,the 2009 Magnitsky Act) enables but does not require the imposition of sanctions,it was far from inevitable that the Trump Administration would make use of it.Perhaps just as newsworthy was where the specific names on the list came from:nearly half其中有民间社会组织(CSO)或国会(在后一种情况下,it was likely CSO efforts that brought individual names to the attention of Congressional staffers).

全球马格尼茨基法案和EO 13818,然后,seem to create promising opportunities for anticorruption CSOs to impose consequences on kleptocrats and their cronies.因为这个过程很新,it's not yet clear how it will develop,然而,从第一轮全球马格尼茨基制裁中汲取教训,了解CSO如何最大限度地有效利用这一新工具,仍然是有益的。欧洲安全与合作委员会Helsinki Commission)于2018年3月初举办了研讨会,讨论这个问题。I was fortunate enough to attend this gathering,and in this post I've attempted to distill a handful of key lessons that参与者'discussion identified.我将这些经验教训作为一个“操作指南”来阐述给一个假设的反腐败CSO成员:他们希望利用这个强大的工具。

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反腐败书目-2018年4月更新

An updated version of my anticorruption bibliography is available from myfaculty webpage.完整书目的PDF直接链接是here,and a list of the new sources added in this update ishere.As always,I welcome188bet app for other sources that are not yet included,包括Gab读者写的任何论文。

CliffsNotes for Implementing an Income and Asset Disclosure System for Public Servants

CliffsNotes是不是美国学生在考试时要求时间去做的。而不是读整个《麦克白》或《伊利亚特》,或是在整个物理课本上流汗,学生们可以轻而易举地浏览20页左右的悬崖峭壁,学习足够多,至少能通过考试。立法者在议会会议期间的立场通常与这些学生在考试前夕的立场相同。他们必须掌握足够多的主题,以制定指导政策应如何实施的立法,但没有时间深入研究主题。

One topic where this is the case is legislation introducing or revising a policy requiring public servants to disclose information 188bet appabout their personal finances.  Thanks toStAR,  the欧洲理事会,theOECD,事实上本文作者and this blog (sampleherehere),一个勤奋的立法者可能会花上几周甚至几个月的时间来仔细研究如何建立和操作一个管理个人财务披露法的系统。但是就像一个学生,他非常想阅读所有的《麦克白》,但在接下来的三天里还有两个测试,立法者的时间很短,要求很高。

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The "Master of the Roster": Reforming the Role of the Chief Justice of India

"There have been instances where cases having far-reaching consequences for the nation and the institution have been assigned by the chief justices of this court selectively to the benches ‘of their preference' without any rational basis for such assignment." This sharp critique of the Supreme Court of India was not leveled by a losing appellant or civil society group,but rather by贾斯蒂·切拉梅斯瓦尔大法官。1月12日,2018,大法官螯合战,Ranjan Gogoi,Madan Lokurand Kurian Joseph,the four most senior justices of the Supreme Court of India (other than the Chief Justice),took the extraordinary step ofspeaking to the public188bet appabout their concern with bias in how Chief Justice of India (CJI) Dipak Misra was assigning cases.The four justices accused Chief Justice Misra of selectively setting benches to shape the outcome of particular cases,这不仅违背了法治和基本公平,但也牵扯到对司法腐败的更广泛关注。In publically criticizing the assignment practices of the current Chief Justice,这些法官给法院带来了前所未有的制度危机。稳定体制、打击腐败和偏见需要认真行动,包括减少中央情报局对案件分配的单方面权力。

To appreciate the significance of the CJI's power of case assignment,and the ways this power can be abused,在法庭上有点背景是必要的。印度最高法院is comprisedof the CJI and up to 30 justices,although it currently only has 24 serving justices.The Court hears cases in division benches (comprised of two or three justices),这些法官席共同组成一个宪法法官席(由五名或五名以上法官组成),以解决法律的基本问题。The CJIhas the sole authorityto set up division benches and assign cases,resulting in the label of the CJI as the "master of the roster." That authority can be—and allegedly has been—abused.例如,in the Prasad Educational Trust case,尽管为解决最高法院案件的结果而支付贿赂的指控牵连了首席大法官米斯拉,he nonetheless listed the case in front of himself and several relatively junior Justices.Whenby an attorney in the case to recuse himself,the Chief Justice refused and threatened to hold the attorney in contempt.

In response to the criticisms leveled by his four colleagues regarding biased assignment of cases,首席大法官米斯拉striking step宣传,for the first time,最高法院的名册,which details which types of cases will be heard by which justices.公开发布的排班制度,which took effect on February 5 and wasrecently altered,根据主题类别将案件分配给不同的法官。例如,the Chief Justice himself is assigned,在其他类别中,社会正义问题,选举事务,contempt of court matters,habeas corpus matters,and public interest litigation (PIL) cases.The roster details subject categories for the twelve most senior justices of the Supreme Court,and there are overlapping categories (e.g.criminal matters,民事事项,etc.) between the justices.但是,尽管名册的公布确实使分配过程更加透明,it nevertheless falls short of addressing the CJI's unchecked power and discretion in allocating cases for four primary reasons:

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Can the KPK and the Indonesian Public Finally Root Out State-Sanctioned Corruption?Updates from Novanto's Corruption Scandal

Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK),established in 2003,有许多成功,including prosecutions of several former Ministers,前印尼央行行长,and a former Chief of Police.As of the end of last year,朝鲜民主主义人民共和国已经审判并裁定共有119 members of parliament and 17 governors,among others.现在,kpk正濒临捕捉到它最大的一条鱼:setya novanto,印度尼西亚众议院前议长Novanto was finally detained,起诉,并被审判去年底,他涉嫌从一个5.9万亿卢比的国家电子身份证(E-ID)项目中挪用2.3万亿卢比(约1.7亿美元)。Novanto allegedly played a central role in allowing the mark up e-ID procurement costs in order to steal millions and redistribute them to the pockets of大约100名公职人员,包括约740万美元。诺凡托卷入了许多以前的丑闻,but had managed to avoid punishment.This time,检察官正在寻找a jail term of at least 16 years,plus a repayment of $7.4 million he is suspected of plundering.Novantodenied all the allegations指责内政部,but the evidence,gathered and submitted by the KPK,is against him.With the final judgment to be made soon,KPK正处于赢得一个针对高级政治家的最大腐败案件的边缘。

如果KPK赢了这个案子,这将是一个重要的胜利,展示了KPK的力量,as an independent anticorruption 188bet appagency,to hold accountable even the most powerful politicians,and inspiring the Indonesian public to hold politicians to higher ethical standards.同时,虽然,此案的胜利并不意味着反地方性腐败的战争已经胜利:立法机关和其他强有力的国家行动者将继续反击,especially by weakening the power of the KPK.Civil society,以及公众,must continue to be vigilant to provide the backing the KPK needs to retain its power and independence.

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摩尔多瓦“世纪盗窃”的教训

One year ago today,4月20日,2017,摩尔多瓦一位名叫维埃斯拉夫·柏拉图的商人被判处18年监禁。他的罪行?Helping to steal a billion dollars.Between 2012 and 2014,businessmen and politicians siphoned off money from Moldova's three largest banks in a crime now known as the "Theft of the Century." While corruption is endemic in many parts of Eastern Europe,摩尔多瓦的盗窃案规模之大及其后果之严重令人叹为观止。

这次盗窃是经济上的,社会的,摩尔多瓦的政治灾难。The amount of money that disappeared was similar to the amount implicated in the 1MDB scandal in Malaysia–but Malaysia's GPD is 2.3 times the size of Moldova's.The Moldovan government's secret bailout of the banks cost $870 million,摩尔多瓦国内生产总值的八分之一。由于盗窃,three of Moldova's main banks went bankrupt and were liquidated;还有更多的银行under the supervision摩尔多瓦国家银行,金融业持续不稳定。还有人力成本。例如,2014-2015年,国家健康保险公司账户上的资金滥用导致药品短缺。During street demonstrations that ensued after the theft became public,24人受伤。The political fallout from the theft has also been substantial: Confidence in the government was shattered,因为每一个政府部门和每一个主要政党似乎都有牵连。此外,因为被认为参与盗窃案最严重的政党是亲欧盟的政党,Moldovan support for joining the EU plummeted.Pro-Russian sympathizers capitalized on the public reaction,and the pro-Kremlin Igor Dodon was elected president in 2016.多顿谈到加入俄罗斯控制的欧亚经济联188bet app盟,停止参与在北约演习中,and opposes the opening of a NATO office in Chisinau,摩尔多瓦的国会大厦。

对盗窃案的调查拖得很长。More than 40 people have been implicated,据说还有更多的起诉正在进行中,但到目前为止只有少数人被定罪。With Moldova's 2018 elections looming,现在是回顾本世纪盗窃事件的后果和教训的好时机。

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