透明化商品交易部门:为什么交易公司必须接受强制性付款披露

Commodity trading companies (CTCs) mainly operate as middlemen in a business model called "transit trade," where CTCs administer the delivery chain for primary economic products (energy,金属,农业,从开采现场到最终买家。Though CTCs rarely have physical possession of these commodities,反恐组通常与外国官员和政治家建立联系,债务国政府的融资前提取活动(通常通过对未来商品交付的抵押贷款);在全球销售原材料。Because of CTCs' frequent interaction with foreign governments and state-owned enterprises,它们的复杂结构,商品市场的不透明性,the corruption risks—particularly in the markets for "hard" commodities like oil,气体,or minerals—are especially large,正如最近的一些案例所强调的那样(参见for example,here,here,和here政治公众人物同时利用商品交易中的不透明性,洗钱从腐败中获得的非法收益。

Yet in stark contrast to the focus on the corrupt activities of those companies engaged directly in extractive activities,除了最终购买者“上游”以外,CTC的腐败问题也没有受到太多关注。这种监督应该得到纠正,部分通过覆盖CTC"Publish What You Pay" (PWYP) law他们的母国法律通常只规定与勘探有关的付款披露,提取,and processing,and that oftenexplicitly exclude与“商品交易相关活动”相关的付款。此排除是错误的,由于将pwyp规则应用于CTC至少有两个很好的理由:Continue reading渐次

嘉宾贴子:科索沃的告密者保护——民间社会集体行动和国际支持的一个不太可能成功的故事

Today's guest post is from Nedim Hogic,比萨圣安娜高级研究学院的博士生,意大利,and Arolda Elbasani,纽约大学访问学者。The research on which this post is based was sponsored by Kosovo Open Society Foundation.

在科索沃,与巴尔干地区其他地区一样,总体而言,反腐败举措和体制解决方案通常是基于国际行动者推荐的模板,并由当地政治盟友匆忙批准的自上而下的努力。这些国际倡议中几乎没有一项被证明是成功的,通常是因为新法律为政治利益提供了足够的自由裁量权,阻碍了有效实施。Hence,科索沃像其他巴尔干人一样,似乎陷入了国际赞助的体制和能力建设措施的持续而徒劳的循环中,尚未交付。

2018年对科索沃《保护告密者法》的修正案提出了一个更有希望的立法起草模式。修订后的法律以其合作和开放的起草模式而突出。涉及各种国际事务,governmental,and civil society actors,与更普遍的自上而下模式形成了一种令人欢迎的对比,and largely futile,法律和体制改革的方法。Continue reading渐次

根据《联合国反腐败公约》遣返资产

最深远的变化之一是United Nations Convention Against Corruption根据国际法,要求各国合作将因腐败而被盗的资产返还犯罪所在国。以前没有国际公约要求犯罪所得或犯罪工具被发现的国家将其返还犯罪所在国。

总体原则是直截了当的,但把它翻译成严格的,法律约束力的语言是任何东西。起草人必须说明请求返还的国家和被请求国在通过司法判决转移所有权方面的法律有很大不同,以及一国的判决对另一国的诉讼有何影响。结果是一系列冗长的,错综复杂的条款,加上一大堆段落,subparagraphs,交叉引用可能会温暖一些律师的心,但在其中许多读者很容易迷失。

我为即将召开的资产回报会议制定了相关规定。As the map isn't (at least yet!) on Google maps,a copy is below.Two experienced UNCAC guides kindly read and corrected an earlier version (thank you Queensland University Senior Lecturer萝卜象牙Mat Tromme宾厄姆法治中心)。读者发现任何进一步的错误方向或错误,请标记它们。Continue reading渐次

Golden Visa/Passport Programs Have High Corruption Risk and No Demonstrated Economic Benefit.So Let's Abolish Them.

We've had a couple of posts recently (from regular contributor娜塔利里奇and guest poster安东·莫伊申科)关188bet app于与所谓的“黄金签证”和“黄金护照”计划(GV/GP计划)相关的腐败问题,它要么授予居留权(金色签证)要么授予公民身份(金色护照),以换取超过一定门槛的“投资”(有时仅仅是直接支付给政府)。Both Natalie and Anton reference recent reports by透明国际全球见证and theEuropean Commission,这两个国家都特别关注欧盟,这对于记录与这些居住/公民计划相关的风险都非常有用,包括但不限于腐败和洗钱风险。这就是说,提出的解决方案,虽然确实有帮助,feel a bit thin,in part because both the TI-GW and EC reports assume that these programs have at least some legitimate uses,or at the very least that it would be overstepping for outsiders (be they international bodies,其他国家,or NGOs) to try to coerce states into abandoning these programs altogether.

My inclinations are somewhat different,and a bit more radical: I'd push for abolishing these programs entirely—certainly the golden passport programs,但可能还有黄金签证计划。The risks associated with GV/GP programs are well-documented in Natalie and Anton's posts,以及TI-GW和EC报告(以及other sources)所以我不会在这里停留在他们身上。简而言之,正如这些和其他来源令人信服地证明的那样,GV/GP programs may provide safe havens for wealthy criminals and their money,often produce corruption in the programs themselves,而且,在政治团体中,与成员的商品化和市场化相关的有害影响也可能更为广泛。我承认,与运行良好的程序相关的风险可能不大,but they're not trivial,要么。我一辈子都不知道这些计划能给社会带来什么好处,而不是那些管理它们的政府)可能证明这些风险是正当的。

通常的情况是,这些项目吸引了必要的外国投资,stimulate the economy,创造就业机会,增加政府收入。我不是宏观经济学家,and so I may be 188bet appabout to reveal my ignorance in embarrassing fashion,但我还没有听到令人信服的论据,let alone see a persuasive study,这就证明了这些项目确实具有巨大的经济效益。让我解释一下我的困惑,如果我明显误解了一些关键点,either 188bet appabout how the programs work or about the economics,我希望那里的一些读者能纠正我。Continue reading渐次

Can "Force Majeure" Be A Justification for Corruption?俄罗斯认为是的。

今年1月底,the Russian Justice Ministry proposed draft legislation that would使腐败合法化.更具体地说,提议,which implements one of therecommendations普京的2018-2020 Anti-Corruption Plan,would decriminalize corruption "when non-compliance with prohibitions,限制,以及为打击腐败而制定的要求……[是]由于不可抗力"—that is,当官员无法控制的情况使腐败不可避免时。或者,正如俄罗斯政府所说,“[我]在某些情况下,遵守限制和禁令,requirements to prevent or resolve conflicts of interest,and the fulfillment of duties established in order to combat corruption are not possible for objective reasons." The proposed legislation would create a commission to "assess the objectivity of circumstances" to determine if compliance was possible.

这些所谓的“客观原因”有哪些可能确定不可抗力为腐败指控辩护?在合同法中,不可抗力—sometimes known as an "act of God"—covers unforeseen circumstances,就像自然灾害或战争,that are totally outside the control of the parties to the contract,and that make it impossible for one of those parties to perform his or her end of the agreement.但是什么可以不可抗力可能意味着腐败?什么情况下,相当于战争或自然灾害,could compel a government official to take a bribe,还是挪用公款?It is difficult to imagine such a scenario.The Justice Ministry did release a preliminary陈述对可能引发这种情况的情况进行初步澄清不可抗力exemption from criminal liability.That statement noted,for example,当官员人数较少时,官员可能无法采取常规措施防止或解决利益冲突,偏远地区。这个想法似乎是这样的环境,社区是如此的小和紧密,以至于一个官员不可能从所有的决定中回避,在这些决定中,她可能与一些受影响的政党有私人关系。初步声明还指出,有时以前的家庭成员(例如,(前配偶)不同意提供有关普通子女收入和支出的信息(官员通常有义务披露的信息);有时,不履行某些与反腐败有关的职责可能是由于长期和严重的疾病。司法部承诺将提供更多不可抗力的具体信息拟议规则的评论期于2月8日结束,2019.政府还没有这样做,然而,尽管一个多月过去了。

至少有些不可抗力司法部的初步声明中的例子听起来很合理,虽然还不清楚是否真的需要特别豁免,说,因为生病而不履行某些职责的官员。(Presumably,那个官员无论如何都会无限期休假吗?)但立法的范围比这些狭隘的例子要宽泛得多。新的立法是否允许个人行贿者和受贿者声称不可抗力以他们没有创造出腐败的“文化”或“制度”为理由进行辩护,他们发现自己被嵌入其中?如果that计数为不可抗力,这将打开一个巨大的漏洞,允许俄罗斯的反腐败法律,允许任何被指控腐败行为的人辩称他们感受到了超出他们控制范围的(社会)力量的压力。建议的立法可以这样解读,and if it is,这将破坏打击腐败的努力。Indeed,one cannot help but wonder if that is the exemption's purpose.Moreover,by taking the position that certain offenses shouldn't count as corruption at all,the proposal sends a signal that corruption is not a priority for the Russian government,thus providing room for further loosening of corruption legislation.

现在,俄罗斯政府可能真诚地担心,对那些技术上触犯法律,但似乎不值得受到严厉制裁的人,不要过分惩罚。188bet app但如果这就是担心,还有其他方法可以解决这个问题,那些不会在反腐败法律上制造巨大漏洞的人,也不会发出政府可能不会那么认真对待腐败的信号。俄罗斯司法部可以考虑将腐败合法化的三个备选方案:

Continue reading渐次

Israel Needs to Fight Official Corruption.That Doesn't Mean It Should Deprive Elected Officials of Their Right to Silence.

4月9日,2019,数以百万计的以色列公民将在全国立法选举中投票给他们希望在议会中代表他们的政党(议会)。对高级官员和各种公众人物(包括总理)的腐败指控进行的大量调查本杰明内塔尼亚胡)确保反腐败将在大多数主要政党的议程中占据突出地位。人们只能希望下届当选的议会能够通过有效的反腐败立法。然而,one piece of anticorruption legislation that has been repeatedly proposed shouldbe adopted: a de facto limitation on senior elected officials' right to silence in criminal interrogations in which the officials are suspects.(拟议的立法实际上也会限制当选官员在回答具体问题时更狭隘的不回答权利,这可能会使他们面临刑事起诉的风险;为了简洁起见,我将只讨论更广泛和更全面的沉默权。)目前,民选官员享有沉默的权利,就像以色列刑事案件中的任何其他嫌疑人一样,然而,要求某些高级别民选官员(如总理,部长们,议会成员,or mayors) who exercise this right to be removed from office.大部分账单,在某些方面彼此不同,适用于与官员职责有关的刑事审问,但有些人走得更远,with a broader application to any kind of criminal interrogation in which the officials are suspects.

The explicit goals of these bills are strengthening the war on corruption and promoting public trust in the rule of law.到目前为止,none of these bills have been enacted,但过去几十年来,来自不同政界的议会成员一直在调情于这一想法,几乎总是在回应以色列官员(其政治观点通常与提议中的以色列议会成员不同)选择不与审问者合作进行腐败调查的场合。这样的提议很可能会在下一届议会选举中再次提出,as some parties have已声明in their official platform that they intend to promote such legislation.

虽然我同意民选官员拒绝回答审问者的问题会引起很大的不安,通过上述法案将是不合理的,甚至是危险的。尽管提案并未从技术上消除民选官员的沉默权,要求公职人员放弃其作为行使这项权利的条件的地位,是一项十分严厉的制裁,法案无疑对这项权利施加了严格的实际限制。如果以色列采用这样的规则,这将是对等国家中的一个重要离群点:研究conducted by the Knesset's Research and Information Center in 2007 found no equivalent limitation on elected officials' right to silence in numerous legal systems around the world.Taking such a step would therefore be unprecedented,但更重要的是,it would be unwise,原因如下:Continue reading渐次

反腐败书目-2019年3月更新

An updated version of my anticorruption bibliography is available from myfaculty webpage.完整书目的PDF直接链接是here,and a list of the new sources added in this update ishere.As always,I welcome188bet app for other sources that are not yet included,包括Gab读者写的任何论文。